Taxes rigged against working mothers
By Ellen Goodman
BOSTON - You have to give Ed McCaffery credit for bravery.
The economist and law professor has walked onto the minefield
of the lingering mommy wars armed with nothing but the tax laws
and good intentions.
For over a generation now, mothers at the office and mothers
at home have been hunkered down - not always comfortable with
their own decisions about work and family but defensive in the
presence of others.
The only thing preventing the outbreak of full-fledged hostility
is the word that's repeated much more frequently than it's believed:
choice. It's the notion that nowadays women can and do have choices.
Now along comes McCaffery to remind us that "choices"
are often weighted by outside forces. And just in time for April
15, he wants us to focus on the forces written into our tax laws.
Look at the social policy behind taxes, implores the author
of Taxing Women. It's no more neutral today than it was in 1948
when the tax law was deliberately revised, in the words of a government
drafter, Stanley Surrey, so that wives "may turn from their
partnership 'duties' to the pursuit of homemaking."
Today's conservatives say that women have been forced to work
to pay confiscatory taxes. But McCaffery shows how the tax laws
favor traditional single-earner families. They have a built-in
prejudice against married working mothers.
For openers, filing jointly encourages couples to think of
primary and secondary earners. And it's the secondary earners,
almost always women, whose earnings are taxed at a higher rate.
Assume, for example, an upper income man earns $100,000 a year.
The first $16,000 he earns is tax free. But when her $30,000 income
is put on top of his, every one of her dollars is taxed at his
highest rate. When you subtract Social Security taxes, state and
local taxes, she takes home $15,000.
That's before child care and other work expenses. At middle-
and upper-income households, two-thirds of the average working
wife's salary is lost to taxes and work-related expenses. Part-timers
may be working at a loss.
Of course in theory, we could alter the language instead of
the system. We could call the mother the primary worker. But it
isn't just a matter of semantics.
As McCaffery warns, "Sometimes a change in language can
get ahead of a change in laws and social structure." Not
only have women historically been at home but in most families
wives earn less. In real family life they are thought of as the
secondary worker.
In a trip through the arcane world of taxes, the University
of Southern California professor shows how the tax policy affects
couples by class. At the lowest level, a bias against the two-worker
family is a bias against families themselves. At the upper level,
it reinforces the most traditional CEO families.
Middle-class women, says McCaffery, "are between a rock
and a hard place. They are not making that much money. On the
one hand they can stay home and avoid stresses but they pay a
price in the long run. They sacrifice earnings down the road and
it's hard if they end up divorced. On the other hand they can
go to work but it's very stressful."
McCaffery admits to a personal bias in favor of more equal
and flexible families. But as it is, the tax structure pushes
families into more traditional roles than they may wish. When
a family needs to raise income, for example, it often makes more
economic sense for the husband to work longer hours than for the
wife to work part time. Economic sense and common sense collide.
"We shouldn't pretend the laws are neutral or fair,"
he says. If we want a social policy that rewards families when
mothers stay home with their children and fathers keep longer
hours on the job-let's debate it and acknowledge it. If, on the
other hand, we want a more balanced life between men and women,
work and family, it's time to level the playing field.
To right the tax prejudice, he says, we should at least alter
the Social Security payments and benefits, and provide a deduction
for child-care costs.
If a skybox at the sports dome is a business expense, why not
day care? At most, he supports conservative Michael Boskin's proposal
to have husbands' incomes taxed more and wives' taxed less by
filing individually.
McCaffery comes to his analysis as an observer of those "mommy
wars." He says, "one of the worst features of our times
is that women are divided and conflicted within themselves and
among each other while men just march merrily along."
If taxes were less rigged against working mothers, then fathers
would also face those wonderful choices about work and family:
The ones that you have and the ones you have to make.
It's April 15. Time to let the daddy wars begin.
Boston Globe Newspaper Co.
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